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Relations between the two countries are becoming more complex
also because of
Djibouti
- a French
territory
of
Afars
and Issa
(FTAI), to which
France
intends to grant independence this year.
For
Ethiopia
this territory represents a vital interest in view of the
fact that
Djibouti
is the terminus of the railway from
Addis Ababa
,
by way of which the basic part of
Ethiopia
’s foreign trade freight is
carried. The Somalis, for their part, consider the FTAI, or, as they
call that territory, “French Somalia,” one of five parts of “Greater
Somalia
,” in view of the fact that its population to a significant
extent consists of tribes which are related to the Somalis.
At the XXX session of the UN GA, a resolution was accepted in
which was asserted the unconditional right of the people of
Djibouti
to quick and unconditional independence, and also contained an
appeal to all states to “desist from any claims whatever on that
territory and declare null and void any actions in support of such
claims.” Both
Ethiopia
and
Somalia
voted for that resolution.
At the same time the government of the SDR does not hide its
hopes that once having become independent the population of
Djibouti
will come out in favor of unification with
Somalia
. This
was displayed, in particular, at the XIII Assembly of the OAU (July
1976), where the Somali representatives did not support the demand
of
Ethiopia
for a joint declaration to repudiate territorial claims,
asserting that the sovereignty of
Djibouti
should not depend on
“threats of police actions from the power-guarantors.” In December
1976, President Siad, in a communication to the heads of African
states, declared even more precisely that “if the goal of these
guarantees will force
Somalia
to reject our blood ties, the common
history and culture which tie us with the people of
Djibouti
, then we
declare, that is impossible.”
Nonetheless,
Somalia
, just like
Ethiopia
, voted for the resolution
of the XXXI session of the UN GA of
23 November 1976
, on
Djibouti
, which once again affirmed the right of the people of that
territory to independence. Representatives of both countries to the
UN declared that their governments will recognize, respect, and
observe the independence, sovereignty, and territorial integrity of
Djibouti
after it receives independence.
However, in the course of the discussion at the UN General
Assembly session, the speeches of the
Somalia
and
Ethiopia
delegations showed that, as in the past, serious disagreements
remain between these countries about the ways to resolve the
Djibouti
problem. They showed particularly on the issue of the
return to the territory of political refugees. The Ethiopians accused
the Somalis of intending to send to
Djibouti
their own citizens,
disguised as refugees, so as to ensure as a consequence its joining
with the SDR.
The position of the Somali leadership regarding
Eritrea
also
leaves a negative imprint on Somalia-Ethiopia relations. Providing
support to Eritrean separatists,
Somalia
, to all appearances, is
counting on the fact that the separation of
Eritrea
from
Ethiopia
will
lead to a split of the multinational Ethiopian state, which will
facilitate the unification of the Ogaden territory with
Somalia
.
The Somali government recently has activated its propaganda
against
Ethiopia
and its activity in the international arena, with the
goal of enlisting support for its position vis-a-vis the new Ethiopian
regime, which, as it believes, is conducting in relation to Somalis the
former imperial “colonial policy.” This point of view was expressed
by the vice president of the SDR [Gen. Mohamed Ali] Samantar
during his visit last year to a number of European socialist countries
and to
Cuba
. However, in no instance did it meet with
understanding.
Somalia
is also taking certain steps in Arab
countries so as to receive support for its claims to Ogaden and
Djibouti
. In this regard the Somalis point to the fact that the joining
of
Djibouti
to the “Arab world” (SDR is a member of the Arab
League) promises it not insignificant benefits in realizing plans to
turn the
Red Sea
into an “Arab lake.”
Arab reaction supports and heats up the aspirations of the
Somalis, with the goal of putting pressure on the progressive
Ethiopian leadership. President of Somalia Siad intends in the
beginning of 1977 to complete a trip to
Saudi Arabia
,
Kuwait
, the
United Arab Emirates
,
Sudan
and several other Arab countries. As
he left in January 1977 for
Khartoum
to prepare for this visit,
Member of the Politburo of the CC of the Somali Revolutionary
Socialist Party [Ahmed] Suleiman [Abdullah] public expressed
himself in vulgar anti-Ethiopian thrusts. Suleiman openly spoke out
in support of the Eritrean separatists, and also in favor of a proposal
to move the headquarters of the OAU from
Addis Ababa
to another
capital, a proposal for which
Sudan
and several African countries
with a pro-Western orientation recently expressed support.
Beginning in the 1960s, in almost every instance of a serious
aggravation of Ethiopia-Somalia relations,
Ethiopia
and
Somalia
have appealed to the Soviet government with a request to assert
influence on the government of the other country with the goal of
normalizing the situation. Recently, both
Somalia
and
Ethiopia
have repeatedly called for more active participation by the Soviet
Union
in settling their bilateral relations. In this regard each of them
is counting on the
Soviet Union
to support precisely their position,
using for this its authority and friendly relations with the opposing
side. Click for more
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